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- <text id=91TT1073>
- <title>
- May 20, 1991: Strange Destiny Of A Vice President
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
- May 20, 1991 Five Who Could Be Vice President
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NATION, Page 23
- COVER STORIES
- The Strange Destiny Of a Vice President
- </hdr><body>
- <p>He is the second highest-ranking official in the land, and he
- is also the butler--or the handyman
- </p>
- <p>By LANCE MORROW
- </p>
- <p> A procession trudges along the service road of American
- history, looking distinguished and wistful: George Clinton,
- Daniel D. Tompkins, George M. Dallas, William King, Hannibal
- Hamlin, Schuyler Colfax, William A. Wheeler, Levi P. Morton,
- Garret A. Hobart, Charles W. Fairbanks, Charles Dawes, John
- Nance Garner, Henry Wallace, Alben Barkley...
- </p>
- <p> These men, Vice Presidents of the U.S., share a strange
- fate--a shelved career, high office without power, a
- political glory all but lost in nonentity, and a galling kind
- of subservience. Good news: You are the second highest-ranking
- official in the land. Bad news: You are also the butler. Or the
- handyman. All you have is a faintly unclean hope of things to
- come.
- </p>
- <p> The vice presidency calls up its rueful folklore. "Cactus
- Jack" Garner of Texas, F.D.R.'s Vice President from 1933 to
- 1941, did not say the office was "not worth a pitcher of warm
- spit." He said it was "not worth a pitcher of warm piss." The
- line is almost always cleaned up for the civics class. No one
- has improved on Mr. Dooley's formulation: "Th' Prisidincy is
- th' highest office in th' gift iv th' people. Th'
- Vice-Prisidincy is th' next highest an' th' lowest. It isn't a
- crime exactly. Ye can't be sint to jail f'r it, but it's a kind
- iv a disgrace. It's like writin' anonymous letters."
- </p>
- <p> Sometimes, of course, the nonentity is summoned up from
- the servants' quarters and invested with the master's power.
- When a President dies in office, there is the initial shock of
- the news and then, a moment later, a sort of secondary
- explosion. The hand slaps the forehead in a star burst of
- realization: "My God! You know what this means?!"
- </p>
- <p> Such moments--April 15, 1865; April 12, 1945; Nov. 22,
- 1963, for example--are lessons in the psychology of power. The
- trauma of a President's death, especially by assassination,
- becomes the drama of a mediocrity, a sort of imposter, presuming
- to take over. Or so it always seems. The vice presidency almost
- by definition enforces an expectation of the second rate: the
- man is inherently a loser (he was not the President, after all)
- or at best a Sancho Panza. In the case of Andrew Johnson
- following Abraham Lincoln, the fear of mediocrity was fulfilled.
- When Franklin Roosevelt died, a god of the era gave place, it
- seemed, to democracy's least common denominator, a barking,
- weightless little haberdasher from Independence, Mo.
- </p>
- <p> The presidential nominee always says the person he has
- selected to be his running mate is the American "best qualified
- to take over in the White House in the event of my death." That
- is a ceremonial lie. The choice of a vice-presidential running
- mate is a purely political calculation aimed at winning the
- November election. A presidential candidate looks for a
- complementary running mate, someone to shore up a weak side--to lend geographical or ideological balance, for example.
- Conservative Californian Ronald Reagan picked Connecticut-Texas
- moderate George Bush. It may be a matter of ages, aesthetics,
- chemistry and coloring, as well as political alliances. Elder,
- moderate, military statesman Dwight Eisenhower chose younger,
- nastier, darker, feistier conservative Richard Nixon. At some
- time down the line, national tickets will be balanced by sex and
- race as well.
- </p>
- <p> The vice-presidential ritual demonstrates a phenomenon of
- political optics: few men--or women--look qualified to be
- President before they get into office, either by winning it or
- taking the place of a fallen predecessor. Or, conversely, those
- who look abundantly qualified beforehand may prove to be
- disappointing. Presidential politics is inventive, bizarre and
- addicted to surprise.
- </p>
- <p> Consider: Harry Truman, who seemed hopelessly unqualified
- when Roosevelt died, is now regarded as one of the better
- Presidents, a strong leader of substance, intelligence and
- personal force.
- </p>
- <p> John Kennedy in 1960 had glamour, money and his father's
- ambitions for him. And no record of any real achievement
- anywhere. Many regarded him as a rich, graceful pretty-boy and
- little else. Some still do. J.F.K. may have a larger place in
- American memory than he did in the actuality of his time.
- </p>
- <p> History discloses character in unpredictable ways. Much of
- America's elite in 1860 regarded Lincoln as a wilderness
- buffoon. There is the counterpattern: Ulysses Grant, the soldier
- who saved the Union, looked like a much greater man at his
- Inauguration than he did when he left the White House. So, too,
- some candidates (Michigan Governor George Romney in 1968, for
- example, or Texas' John Connally in 1980) had an air of
- silver-haired inevitability about them until the political
- process almost mysteriously rejected them. Ex-Vice President
- Lyndon Johnson came to the White House by a strange, fatal
- route. He was splendidly qualified to be President, it seemed.
- But his Administration ended like the fifth act of King Lear.
- </p>
- <p> Before George Bush arrived at the White House, a certain
- amount of ambient wisdom had written him down as a wimp, an
- opportunist who, at almost every step of his career, would be
- overtaken by the Peter Principle (in a hierarchy, every employee
- tends to rise to his level of incompetence). Bush has not yet
- completed his transformation to Lincoln. Dan Quayle does not yet
- look Trumanesque either. But there is time. Hope lies always in
- the evolving surprise.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
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